BERGHAHN BOOKS : London Eyes: Reflections In Text And Image
Reflections in Text and Image Gail Cunningham, Stephen Barber blackmailing the King) and a suggested, potential relationship between Holmes and Adler. semiotic accounts of image/text relations and their implications for .. Your eyes have been tricked by the round, black spot and the .. London: Dorling Kindersley. Interacting with the multimodal text: Reflections on. image. The first included text and narration (GTN), the second still image, text, and narration Their ideas were also incorporated in the discussions by the New London the richness of the intersemiotic relations established between text and image.
Schele and Miller Several other hieroglyphs closely resembling T24 have also been cited as visual representations of mirrors. Like T24, both T and T also feature internal parallel lines that curve across some, but not the whole width of the glyph, and are encircled by a full or partial ring figure 5. Various transcriptions and translations have been proposed for these two hieroglyphs that do not point to a clear semantic or phonetic relationship with T Given the evidence linking them together, this study will refer to T24, T, and T as the three main mirror hieroglyphs and will base much of the following analysis on observation of the role of these signs in the hieroglyphic corpus, including their relationship with other glyphs.
Certain anthropomorphically shaped hieroglyphs also contain stylized forms of T24, T, or T as one of multiple internal components whose position within the glyph parallels previously cited evidence for mirror use among the ancient Maya.
For example, certain hieroglyphs widely held to be representations of the Sun God, including T, display an infixed T on the god's forehead or eye Milbrath, Macri and Looper Mirrors also appear within phonetic head variants thought to depict other divinities, including T Macri and Looper, The hieroglyphic association of mirrors with deities also strengthens the argument for the mirror's role as a religious symbol among the ancient Maya.
The arrangement of the mirror components in the glyph PM6, a head variant of the number "11" Macri and Looper, The two mirror elements are stacked upon each other where one would expect to see the figure's mouth.
In spite of the lack of archaeological and iconographic evidence for the placement of mirrors in ancient Maya mouths, a clue to the meaning of this image may be found in other hieroglyphs. According to the analysis of Macri and Looper Unlike other hieroglyphs thought to signify canoes that contain rectangular, apparently inanimate elements e.
Figure 28all three of these hieroglyphs feature a mirror or a face peering out from a depression tilted up and to the left at a slight angle. As discussed previously, ancient Maya use of mirrors in bowls is documented archaeologically and is often associated with ritual, particularly with shamanism. The placement of the mirrors in ST4, 1M3, and ZVG is analogous to that of mirrors in iconographic depictions of mirrors in bowls, which are often angled upwards towards the viewer e.
Ancient Maya iconography also contains images of serpents and other anthropomorphic figures emerging from mirrors Taube, a: In some instances, another figure holds up such a container as if to ceremonially offer up its contents Stone and Zender, Besides reinforcing the ritual connotations of these objects, such images also suggest that the ancient Maya believed that mirrors, like caves, allowed the movement of supernatural beings into the human world Taube, a: I suggest that these hieroglyphs actually symbolize the use of mirrors within bowls as reflectors, illustrating either the mirror itself or the reflection of the viewer that would appear within the bowl or mouth substitute.
The canoe connotations of ZVG could thus be indicative of the aforementioned link between liquid and mirrors as reflective surfaces used in ceremonial contexts. These hieroglyphs that depict mirrors in bowls may also illustrate the symbolic relationship between mouths and caves, with both functioning as orifices through which elements are able to cross into different states of being. Maya iconography contains numerous illustrations of anthropomorphic mouths functioning as caves Markman and Markman, Evidence for the symbolic function of mirrors among the ancient Maya may also be approximated through semantic analysis of the mirror hieroglyphs and their associated compounds.
T24 li commonly functions as the postfix il to denote inherent possession or abstraction Lacadena and Wichmann, n. In addition, the key role of Ta in "accession" verb phrases on texts from the Group of the Cross at Palenque as discussed by Schele and Miller The relationship between writing and imagery in Mesoamerica is being increasingly questioned as researchers are recognizing the strong degree of overlap and coinfluence between what scholars traditionally identified as two separate media of cultural expression e.
This attempt to reconcile the similarities between these elements and the mirror hieroglyphs with sometimes different, sometimes similar contexts in which they appear is admittedly insufficient.
However, the discussion of the relationship between writing and iconography is not directly relevant to the problem at hand, for which reason I will therefore lay it aside for the time being. Most often, however, mirrors are illustrated in direct association with an anthropomorphic figure.
Schele and Miller, These characters are thought to be cosmologically significant. For instance, Postclassic Maya iconography occasionally features images of mirrors on the anthropomorphic figure of the rain deity Chac e.
Mirrors also appear in association with some lunar deities, possibly in allusion to shining quality of the moon Milbrath, Mirrors in spoken language Linguistic evidence from spoken Maya contexts also includes important clues to the symbolic significance of mirrors among the ancient Maya.
Among the modern Maya, there are two principal words for mirror: Although the Western and Central Maya term for "mirror" appears to have shifted from lem to nen over time, lem did not disappear completely from the Western and Central vocabularies. Instead, the word underwent semantic widening and was retained as a more general reference to shininess and reflective surfaces or substances Schele and Miller, Not unexpectedly, both nen and lem have been incorporated into certain words and phrases denoting specific objects, substances, or phenomena characterized by shininess.
Nen is often found in various Maya languages as the root of verbs such as "to shine" or "to reflect" Kaufman, Interestingly, the same syllable il with which hieroglyph T24 is usually transcribed when functioning as a grammatical suffix denoting inherent possession or abstraction, is also found as a root in various verbs for "to look" or "to see" in some Maya languages see Bolles, Like nen, this root is also present a handful in Maya verbs denoting the action of "reflecting" see Kaufman, Unlike lem and nen, il does not seem to have functioned as an independent word for "mirror".
Nonetheless, the close semantic relationship of these two roots in both modern and historically reconstructed Maya languages provides further evidence of the connotations linking the mirror hieroglyphs T24, T, and T to each other and to their manifestations in less explicitly hieroglyphic contexts.
The linguistic data also reveals an association of mirrors with the human, both as a physical body and as a personality that is shared across many, if not all modern Maya linguistic groups. In modern Tzotzil, the term denoting the pupil of the eye, nen sat, is a compound formed from the terms for "mirror" and "face" Taube, a: Another compound meaning pupil, nenil ich, is composed of nen "mirror," the grammatical suffix il denoting possession, and ich "eye" or "face" Bolles, In addition, nen and il function as roots in Mopan and Q'eqchi', respectively, in terms that denote the "face" Kaufman, The apparent semantic connection between mirrors and faces may point to certain Maya cultural values surrounding the human face, such as its partial function as a reflection of the individual's internal reactions to external stimuli.
This modern linguistic evidence supports the previous assertion that the ancient Maya associated mirrors with the face, including the eyes and the forehead. Both the human and the mirror respond to their external environment with a reaction that, while in part standardized by experiences and characteristics shared with fellow beings, is nonetheless distorted by personal factors. Linguistic research also suggests that mirrors are associated in Maya culture with certain human faculties, especially those related to contemplation.
Various Maya languages contain the roots il, nen, or lem in words referring to the actions of "contemplating," "thinking," or "knowing" see Bolles, Both the Nahuatl root itz and the Maya itz communicate the idea of predicting or contemplating.
The Nahuatl term furthermore refers to obsidian, and in Yucatec Maya, itz denotes certain liquids, including dew and human tears. These meanings may allude to the ancient use of obsidian and liquid mirrors in divinatory scrying Taube, b: The same root il that appears in verbs related to observation also functions as an initial syllable in some Maya words for "healers" Kaufman, This use is possibly a reference not only to the belief in these individuals' supernatural ties that allowed them to identify and counteract human maladies that others are unable to detect, but also to the ritual practice of scrying, previously discussed in the context of ancient Maya shamanism.
The connection to the supernatural world of the gods and ancestors that the mirror represented, rather than the mirror itself as a physical object, allowed the rulers to assert their authority over the rest of the population. This trend suggests that cultural values or experiences shared among these speakers may be altered by the processes through which they acquire literacy, which, as Danziger and Pederson note As Danziger and Pederson point out This trend seems to contradict the authors' hypothesis that one's literacy training in a Roman script would cultivate one's impulse to differentiate between mirror images.
Unlike the American participants, the native Mopan speakers tended to adopt what Danziger Indeed, Danziger personal communication, believes that mirror image perception is not a development stage undergone by all children. These data suggest that the modern Maya may share tendency to accept such reversed forms as equivalent to the originals in certain contexts. In a geocentric, as opposed to an intrinsic or an egocentric, frame of reference, the spatial relationship between objects is expressed in terms of the external surroundings, most significantly the cardinal directions Le Guen, As Le Guen As mentioned, evidence for the ancient Maya use of mirrors in shamanistic contexts indicates that mirrors communicated a religious authority that, in certain contexts, may have played a significant role in establishing political legitimacy.
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As objects, mirrors were "symbols of ritual upon which identity and legitimacy depended" and "therefore symbols of rule" Saunders, All of these events would have asserted and affirmed the ruling protagonists' political legitimacy and supremacy. The concept of the mirror as a portal between the supernatural and human worlds may have been especially influential in determining the political significance of mirrors in ancient Maya society.
Ancient Maya political and religious authority figures may have used mirrors to contact members of the divine realm, which would have positioned them as mediators between the laypeople and supernatural beings Healy and Blainey, The impurity of the mirror's distorted reflection would have heightened the illusion that it created another world to which it allowed the user temporary access Saunders, By establishing this connection, however tenuous, to the supernatural sphere, the human user would have experienced a certain change of state induced by this ritual exposure to the otherworldly realm.
However, I extend this capacity for ritual transformation to the monuments represented in this study, many of which were elements of larger architectural structures. By reversing the hieroglyphs and thus presuming to present an inverted, ceremonial interpretation of reality, mirrored hieroglyphic passages furthermore extended ritual participation beyond the monument's protagonists to the viewer, actively engaging the viewer in the ritual process by connecting the viewer with the supernatural.
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Reversed monumental texts thus not only passively symbolized, but also actively facilitated the viewer's transformation into a ritual participant whose access to the otherworldly made the viewer something more than a mere human. The mirror image was not intended to be a perfect replica of reality, but rather a window into an alternative world. Given the aforementioned symbolic relationship between caves, mouths, and serpents, this image likely indicates that the protagonist is emerging from a supernatural realm.
Scholars often interpret the scene on Lintel 25 as illustrating the function of ritual bloodletting in allowing the ruler or even his wife "to transcend the world of the mundane and communicate with gods and divine ancestors" Schele and Miller, Yet it was the monument's living viewer, not the actors described on the monument, who interacted directly with the one component of the physical lintel most directly related to a mirror: The mirrored text thus encourages the viewer to participate in the ceremony and to come into contact with the supernatural, much as the monument's protagonists do by taking part in the rituals.
In these cases, the symbolism of the reversed text indicating transformation may not have been limited to representing the viewer's general change of state into a ritual participant. The ancient Maya may have conceived of changes in political leadership as indicative of transformation on the level of both society and the individual civilian. As a result, the use of mirrored hieroglyphs on monuments recording politically significant events would have been an even more salient indication of the events' consequences.
Furthermore, the contrast between unreversed and reversed passages was essential in communicating the transformations occurring in both the broader Maya political landscape and the individual viewer. Platethe Kimbell Lintel see Mayer, Plate 37the Mayer capstone see Mayer, Even the poorly preserved doorway column identified by Mayer Plates and Figure 2but too little of the text has been preserved to permit their inclusion in the analysis of these monumental inscriptions. The structural differences between the various sections may also have highlighted their disparities in content.
The unreversed conclusion of Site R Lintel 3 consists primarily of Yaxhun Bahlam IV's titles; the contrast presented with his reversed name glyphs at the conclusion of the mirrored passage may indicate the transformational consequences of his reign upon the polity and its population. This effect would have been particularly important in facilitating recognition of the unusual structure by an illiterate viewer who was relatively unfamiliar with the glyphs. Just as the relationship of the glyphs to each other was more significant in conveying meaning than the orientation of each individual glyph, it was the structural contrast between the differently oriented passages, rather than the unusual representation of each glyph, that most effectively communicated the change in state that the monument both represented and effected in the viewer.
The hieroglyphs, the images, and their content together became part of the viewer's ritual experience, channels through which the viewer achieved contact with the supernatural realm. Mirroring a passage of monumental text thus affected the viewer's relationship with the monument as a whole. The contrast in orientation created by juxtaposing glyphs written in opposite directions signaled to the viewer the change of state associated with the activities and protagonists recorded on the monument.
The alternative structure encouraged the viewer to reevaluate reality and relocated him or her to an alternative, ritual context. The mirrored directionality of the hieroglyphic text directly engaged the viewer, transforming the context in which the viewer would have interpreted the monument's message and thereby shaping the viewer's relationship with the monument.
Master of Arts Thesis. How does eye tracking work? July 16, by Sam Hutton Only a generation ago, eye tracking typically required complex and expensive equipment and considerable technical expertise on the part of the researcher. Analyzing eye movement data was often a slow and laborious process.
As such, it is perhaps unsurprising that it was a relative niche field. However, with recent development in both hardware and software, eye tracking technology is now more affordable and much easier to use than ever before. One of the biggest technological changes over the last couple of decades has been the near-universal adoption of video-based eye tracking as the technique of choice, in contrast to previously dominant approaches such as electro-oculography, infrared reflection, search coil and dual purkinje tracking.
All SR Research EyeLink systems employ video-based eye tracking, as do most other commercially available eye trackers. So how does video-based eye tracking actually work?
At the heart of all video-based eye tracking is a camera or cameras which take a series of images of the eye. Both the EyeLink Plus and Portable Duo use single cameras that are capable of taking up to images of both eyes every second. Within less than 3 ms from the image of the eye being taken, EyeLink systems work out where on the screen the participant is looking, and relay this information back to the computer controlling stimulus presentation.