Dangerous idiots: how the liberal media elite failed working-class Americans | Media | The Guardian
See more ideas about Liberal logic, Politics and Liberal hypocrisy. Meet The Ultimate College Liberal - CraveOnline Liberal Snowflakes, Liberal Logic, Meme, . 'I Want to Become President Precisely Because I'm Not a Thief' Morales's campaign theme—“Not corrupt, not a thief”—might have the. Trump-critical media do continue to find elite audiences. . Video: David Frum on Donald Trump's Authoritarian Tendencies.
My happy relief that someone set out to tell this ignored thread of our shared past was squashed by my wincing every time I saw it on my shelf, so much so that I finally took the book jacket off. Incredibly, promotional copy for the book commits precisely the elitist shaming Isenberg is out to expose: When On the Media host Brooke Gladstone asked Isenberg, earlier this year, to address long-held perceptions of poor whites as bigots, the author described a conundrum: It is very much a part of their thinking.
Isenberg has sniffed out the hypocrisy in play, though.
Berry points out that Ivy-League-minted Republicans shepherded the rise of the alt-right. Indeed, it was not poor whites — not even white Republicans — who passed legislation bent on preserving segregation, or who watched the Confederate flag raised outside state capitols for decades to come. These points should not minimize the horrors of racism at the lowest economic rungs of society, but remind us that those horrors reside at the top in different forms and with more terrible power.
Among reporters and commentators this election cycle, then, a steady finger ought be pointed at whites with economic leverage: One thing the media misses is that a great portion of the white working class would align with any sense before victimhood.
Right now they are clocking in and out of work, sorting their grocery coupons, raising their children to respect others, and avoiding political news coverage. Barack Obama, a black man formed by the black experience, often cites his maternal lineage in the white working class. Last year, talking with author Marilynne Robinson for the New York Review of Books, Obama lamented common misconceptions of small-town middle America, for which he has a sort of reverence.
Thieves in law to elect holder of European common fund at meeting in Dubai
There were one or two in my town: What we need is to have our stories told Media fascination with the hateful white Trump voter fuels the theory, now in fashion, that bigotry is the only explanation for supporting him.
Certainly, financial struggle does not predict a soft spot for Trump, as cash-strapped people of color — who face the threat of his racism and xenophobia, and who resoundingly reject him, by all available measures — can attest.
However, one imagines that elite white liberals who maintain an air of ethical grandness this election season would have a harder time thinking globally about trade and immigration if it were their factory job that was lost and their community that was decimated.
Affluent analysts who oppose Trump, though, have a way of taking a systemic view when examining social woes but viewing their place on the political continuum as a triumph of individual character.Hilton: My plea to the liberal 'Never Trump' elite
If you were handed liberalism, give yourself no pats on the back for your vote against Trump. At times, a dense neighborhood can feel like a village, where you bump into friends or revive dormant acquaintances. At other times, it means confronting a vast and entrenched homeless population. Urbanites take this haphazardness for granted.
We have the ingrained habit of sharing space, of encountering difference, of swimming in the collective soup. Trump — like many Americans who duck from house to car to office to mall — rarely experiences an unplanned encounter.
He has spent much of his life in gilded rooms, surrounded by people he employs. His idea of transit consists of elevators, limos, helicopters, and private jets. When he started planning Trump Tower in the late s, it was an expression of confidence in the deluxe appeal of midtown Manhattan at a time when a seemingly ungovernable city had bled nearly a million people. Now, when urban crime sits in the eerily low range in many cities, when companies follow their most desirable employees into revitalized downtowns, and when many metropolitan areas are more worried about housing shortages and gentrification than about falling apart, the president has revived a vision of cities suppurating with violence and sin.
Once he sold urban real estate to customers who wanted to live there; now he sells fantasies of urban horror to those who prefer to shudder from afar. Wilkes County, North Carolina, Thomas Jefferson formed his view of nationhood around a belief that the countryside was not only preferable but morally superior.
Cities Vs. Trump
Louis, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, and Chicago. He considered New York relatively benign. He, too, intimated that there was something about governing large concentrations of people, about cumulative economic might combined with massed indifference, that nurtured the worst forms of power.
Membership in an urban elite, he suggested, was inherently putrid. The urban renaissance of the past few decades has opened up a new line of moral attack. The Times columnist Ross Douthat recently argued that large cities are not the tolerant utopias that liberals idealize but black holes of privilege, sucking in resources and jobs.
Douthat writes as if Manhattan were the norm: The prescription is worth exploring — the Department of Agriculture might fit in nicely in Omaha, say — but his premise is astonishingly wrong. Many of the federal dollars that do wash into the five boroughs generally pay for projects of regional and national import, like airports, roads, and security.
The deindustrialization that nourished the Trump campaign ravaged big cities first: Three decades later, shipping and manufacturing were moribund and the municipal government could barely pay its bills. Dozens of cities tore down slums and put up public-housing projects — idealistic efforts that often created more problems than they solved.
- Dangerous idiots: how the liberal media elite failed working-class Americans
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In places like Detroit and Memphis, unemployment, redlining, crack, and gangs left vast urban stretches traumatized and bleak. Segregation persists in many cities and often worsens for two seemingly opposite reasons: Whites trickle away as in Cleveland or else they arrive, pushing into poor neighborhoods that longtime residents can no longer afford.
In a handful of hyperprosperous cities like San Francisco, manufacturing has hollowed out and tech businesses have moved in, bifurcating the population into poor service workers and affluent creative types. Even the once relentlessly upbeat urbanist Richard Florida has written a contritely depressing bookThe New Urban Crisis: But urban areas also teem with activists, nonprofit technocrats, planners, and social-justice fixers who keep rolling out proposals that municipal governments often adopt: Cities all over the world share problems and expertise, using each other as experimental labs: New Delhi converted its buses to natural gas; La Rochelle, France, launched a bike-share program; Milwaukee demolished a downtown freeway — and each of those experiments inspired hundreds of other cities to repeat it.
And New York has massively boosted its affordable-housing program, raised the minimum wage, invested in high-tech manufacturing — a constantly evolving menu of tools to make the city more livable, safe, and affordable. Some problems have proved intractable: And gun violence persists in parts of Chicago despite a dramatic decrease in crime in many cities. But progressive activists can also point to a deep legacy of success, as anyone who ambles around South Bronx neighborhoods like Melrose can attest.
Not so long ago, this was ground zero of hopelessness.